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ORATION 


Democracy  and  Education 


BY 


DR.  JEREMIAH  E.   BURKE 


DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE  CITY   GOVERNMENT   AND   CITIZENS   OF  BOSTON 

IN   FANEUIL  HALL,    ON   THE  ONE  HUNDRED   AND   FORTY-SIXTH 

ANNIVERSARY  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF   INDEPENDENCE 

OF  THESE  UNITED  STATES,  JULY  4,    1Q22 


iOSTON  COLLEGE  LIBRARY 
CHESTNUT  HILL,  MASS, 

CITY  OF   BOSTON 

PRINTING  DEPARTMENT 
1  922 


n\'^'x 


DEMOCRACY  AND  EDUCATION. 


Fourth  of  July  Oration,   1922. 


By  Dr.  Jeremiah  E.  Burke. 


Your  Honor  and  Fellow  Citizens: 

The  Irish  people  among  many  beautiful  legends 
have  this:  That  the  great  O'Donoghue,  though  he 
died  and  was  buried  far  from  his  native  land,  was 
brought  back  by  angels  to  home  and  fatherland, 
there  to  rest  in  an  unfrequented  glen  nearby  his 
dear  Killarney  awaiting  the  time  when,  his  country 
demanding  his  splendid  services,  he  shall  arise 
from  the  grave  and  lead  his  embattled  hosts  once 
more  to  victory. 

Strange  and  fantastic  though  this  legend  ap- 
pears, it  is  nevertheless  true.  Our  great  ones  lead 
us  from  the  grave.  The  spirit  of  the  past  abides 
with  the  present  and  controls  the  destinies  of  the 
future. 

And  in  these  stirring  post-bellum  days  of  restora- 
tion and  readjustment,  the  American  people  must 
not  confound  reconstruction  with  revolution.  We 
must  be  loyal  to  the  traditions  of  the  past.     We 


4  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

must  adhere  to  whatever  is  best  in  the  past,  adapt 
it  to  the  changed  conditions  of  the  present,  and  in 
the  light  of  the  present  and  the  past  anticipate  the 
demands  and  the  needs  of  the  future.  That  is 
statesmanship  and  patriotism. 

France  broke  with  the  past  at  the  time  of  the 
French  Revolution.  Following  Rousseau,  the  pre- 
cursor, France  attempted  to  reorganize  everything 
anew.  The  old  order  was  overthrown.  The  revo- 
lutionists revised  the  Gregorian  calendar.  They 
began  with  the  year  ''1."  They  changed  the  names 
of  the  months  and  of  the  days  of  the  week.  Since 
the  creation  of  the  world,  seven  days  had  consti- 
tuted a  week.  According  to  the  Revolutionists  the 
week  should  comprise  ten  days,  based  upon  a  deci- 
mal system  —  a  desecration  against  which  even  the 
beasts  of  burden  uttered  protest.  They  overthrew 
the  past,  and  the  logical  result  was  the  Reign  of 
Terror. 

In  more  recent  times  another  nation  has  broken 
with  the  past.  Upon  the  battlefields  of  Sadowa 
and  Sedan,  Prussia  sated  with  power  and  greed 
determined  to  establish  a  mihtary  despotism.  The 
Prussian  mihtarists  disregarded  the  lessons  of  Alex- 
ander, Hannibal,  Caesar  and  Napoleon.  They  would 
establish  an  absolute  state.  Bismarck  proclaimed 
that  the  schoolmaster  was  abroad  in  the  land,  but 
the  schoolmaster  was  not  free.  He  was  an  officer 
of  the  state,  obedient  to  the  state,  compelled  to  do 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  5 

the  bidding  of  the  state.  What  he  should  teach  and 
how  he  should  teach  was  prescribed  by  the  state. 
All  the  agencies  within  the  state  became  subservient 
to  the  military  clique.  Government  existed  for  the 
favored  few.  In  fifty  years  the  thought  of  the 
people  was  distorted  and  malformed  in  conformity 
with  despotic  theories. 

The  state  was  apotheosized.  The  German  people 
came  to  associate  Kaiser  with  deity;  were  led  to 
believe  that  militarism  was  a  blessing,  that  the 
hands  of  all  the  world  were  raised  against  them,  and 
that  Germany  was  justified  on  patriotic  grounds  in 
committing  outrageous  acts  of  sacrilege  and  bru- 
tality. 

All  this  wilful  perversion  of  a  people's  mental  and 
moral  perspective  was  manifestly  the  result  of  a 
system  of  false  education. 

The  Fathers  of  the  Republic. 
The  forefathers  of  the  American  Republic  did  not 
break  with  the  past.  They  built  upon  the  past. 
The  Pilgrim  Fathers  proclaimed  allegiance  to  the 
past  in  the  covenant  to  which  they  subscribed  in  the 
cabin  of  the  ''Mayflower."  The  uprising  in  76 
was  an  evolution  as  well  as  a  revolution.  And  when 
the  patriot  fathers  met  at  Independence  Hall  on 
that  immortal  Fourth  of  July  they  declared  no 
newly-found  principles,  but  they  revoiced  old  truths. 
They  assumed  and  they  asserted  that  all  men  are 


6  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

created  equal ;  not  a  few  men  but  all  ■  men,  not  a 
coterie  or  a  faction  but  mankind  everywhere. 

This  equality  proclaimed  by  the  fathers  has 
never  meant  uniformity  or  similarity.  Men  differ 
in  personal  appearance,  in  intellectual  power  and 
in  spiritual  graces.  What  the  fathers  meant  was 
that  all  men  are  equal  before  the  law,  and  this  idea 
implies  equality  of  privilege  and  equality  of  op- 
portunity. It  means  that  every  human  being  is 
entitled  to  an  opportunity  for  development  to  the 
utmost  of  his  capacity. 

The  framers  of  what  Abraham  Lincoln  loved  to 
call  "that  inmiortal  emblem,"  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  furthermore  specifically  declared  that 
all  men  are  endowed  "with  certain  unalienable  rights, 
that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness." 

Endowed  by  whom?  By  a  czar,  by  a  kaiser,  by 
a  party,  by  a  military  clique,  by  an  absolute  state? 
No!  The  forefathers  were  very  explicit.  They 
said,  "All  men  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  rights."  These  rights,  then, 
are  inalienable,  irrevocable,  indefeasible,  God-given. 
I  cannot  forfeit  them;  that  would  be  slavery.  I 
must  not  usurp  them;  that  would  be  tyranny.  No 
one  can  deprive  me  of  these  rights  but  the  Being 
who  gave  them  to  me.  No  man,  no  government, 
no  human  institution  can  deprive  me  of  my  inalien- 
able, God-given  rights. 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  7 

The  fathers  have  passed  away,  but  they  have 
bequeathed  to  us  a  stewardship,  the  safeguarding 
and  the  perpetuation  of  the  rights  and  privileges 
which  they  have  transmitted.  For  these  blessings 
we  are  indebted  to  all  the  past;  for  their  preservation 
and  extension  we  are  beholden  to  all  the  future. 
We,  then,  must  keep  faith  with  the  past,  with  the 
present,  and  with  the  future.  In  the  world's  high- 
est court  of  chancery  we  have  been  appointed 
guardians  of  these  great  eternal  principles  of  popular 
sovereignty.  This  guardianship,  this  trusteeship, 
imposes  tremendous  responsibilities.  These  rights 
and  privileges  placed  in  our  keeping  are  not  ours  to 
use  or  disuse  as  we  may.  They  are  in  our  custody 
today  in  order  that  we  may  put  them  at  usury  so 
that  when  the  future  demands  an  accounting  we, 
worthy  of  our  trust,  will  transmit  them  to  posterity 
not  only  undiminished  but  more  exalted  than  when 
they  were  bequeathed  to  us.  And  as  faithful 
stewards  we  must  safeguard  this  glorious  heritage 
and  stand  prepared  at  all  times  to  defend  it,  even  at 
the  sacrifice  of  our  lives. 

The  Rights  of  Children. 
We  hear  much  in  these  later  days  about  the  rights 
of  men  —  and  of  women  —  and  all  this  is  hopeful 
and  commendable.  But  there  are  still  too  few  to 
proclaim  the  rights  of  children.  And  yet,  children 
also  possess  rights,  inalienable  and  irrevocable. 


8  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

It  is  the  right  of  children  and  youth  to  grow  and 
develop;  to  acquire  correct  habits,  physical,  intel- 
lectual and  spiritual;  and  under  the  most  competent 
guidance  to  be  educated  to  the  highest  possible 
extent  compatible  with  their  capacities  and  endow- 
ments; to  the  end  that  as  individuals  and  as  mem- 
bers of  society  they  may  occupy  those  stations  in 
life  for  which  they  are  best  qualified  by  nature  and 
by  training,  and  that  therein  they  may  discharge 
duties,  perform  services,  and  enjoy  the  blessings  of 
liberty  more  abundantly  than  they  could  in  any 
other  place  or  sphere  in  life. 

Physical  Habits. 

By  the  cultivation  of  correct  physical  habits  one 
prepares  fpr  individual  service.  He  thereby  becomes 
capable  of  performing  well  his  daily  tasks;  he  may 
secure  promotion  or  preferment;  he  experiences  the 
bounding  joy  of  health;  he  is  cheerful  and  optimis- 
tic; he  enjoys  life  and  the  pursuit  of  legitimate  hap- 
piness. ''Give  us,  oh,  give  us,"  says  Carlyle,  ''the 
man  who  sings  at  his  work." 

Likewise  one  becomes  the  better  equipped  for 
patriotic  service.  Vitality  is  a  national  asset;  con- 
servation of  health  is  a  national  responsibility. 
Courage  to  dare  and  power  to  do  are  essentials  of 
personal  security  and  of  national  stability.  A  nation 
must  have  strong  men  in  days  of  peace  as  well  as  in 
times  of  strife.  There  must  always  be  brave  mothers 
of  heroic  sons  and  daughters. 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  9 

Battlefields  are  often  won  upon  playgrounds. 
Here  is  treasured  up  that  splendid  reserve  power  — 
those  Bliicher  forces  —  so  indispensable  to  all  great 
achievements,  moral  as  well  as  physical. 

Finally  and  chiefly,  there  is  a  spiritual  reason  for 
the  formation  of  proper  physical  habits.  The  body 
is  the  tabernacle  of  the  soul,  and  as  such  should  be 
made  a  worthy  habitation  for  the  indwelling  of  an 
immortal  spirit. 

Intellectual  Habits. 
Intellectual  habits  are  developed  in  order  that  the 
individual  may  possess  clarity  of  thought;  that  he 
may  think  straight;  that  he  may  have  intellectual 
and  moral  courage;  that  he  may  form  his  own 
opinions  and  convictions;  that  he  may  think  dis- 
passionately and  arrive  at  independent  conclusions; 
that  he  may  acquire  the  power  of  suspended  judg- 
ment; that  he  may  distinguish  with  judicial  candor 
between  the  true  and  the  false,  between  the  spurious 
and  the  genuine;  that  he  may  become  a  seeker  after 
truth,  truth  in  its  moral  loveliness;  and  the  truth 
shall  make  him  free! 

Spiritual  Habits. 

Ideas  rule  the  world,  but  ideas  must  be  inspired 
by  ideals.  Things  of  the  mind  are  infinitely  more 
to  be  treasured  than  things  that  are  material.  Like- 
wise, the  spiritual  transcends  the  purely  intellectual. 

We  are  committed  in  this  country  because  of  the 


-sr-- 


10  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

composite  character  of  our  people  to  the  maintenance 
and  support  of  a  system  of  nonsectarian  pubHc 
schools.  This  implies  that  within  these  school 
rooms  there  shall  be  permitted  no  partisan,  racial 
or  religious  propaganda;  that  there  shall  not  be  in- 
troduced the  tenets  of  any  political  party,  or  of  any 
creed,  or  of  any  race.  These  exclusions,  however, 
must  not  preclude  the  development  of  spiritual 
habits  —  the  inculcation  of  great  cardinal  virtues 
such  as  obedience,  industry,  sobriety,  thrift,  probity, 
integrity,  reliability,  straightforwardness,  trustworthi- 
ness, incorruptibility. 

Indeed,  the  statute  law  of  Massachusetts  is  man- 
datory and  unequivocal  in  its  insistence  upon  moral 
training  in  our  schools.     It  reads  as  follows: 

''The  president,  professors  and  tutors  of  the 
university  at  Cambridge  and  of  the  several  colleges, 
all  preceptors  and  teachers  of  academies  and  aU 
other  instructors  of  youth  shall  exert  their  best 
endeavors  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  children  and 
youth  committed  to  their  care  and  instruction  the 
principles  of  piety  and  justice  and  a  sacred  regard 
for  truth,  love  of  their  country,  humanity  and  uni- 
versal benevolence,  sobriety,  industry  and  frugality, 
chastity,  moderation  and  temperance,  and  those 
other  virtues  which  are  the  ornament  of  human 
society  and  the  basis  upon  which  a  republican  con- 
stitution is  founded;  and  they  shall  endeavor  to 
lead  their  pupils,  as  their  ages  and  capacities  will 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  H 

admit,  into  a  clear  understanding  of  the  tendency 
of  the  above-mentioned  virtues  to  preserve  and 
perfect  a  repubhcan  constitution  and  secure  the  bless- 
ings of  liberty  as  well  as  to  promote  their  future 
happiness,  and  also  to  point  out  to  them  the  evil 
tendency  of  the  opposite  vices." 

It  is,  therefore,  the  child's  right  —  it  is  his  educa- 
tional heritage  —  to  possess  these  virtues  as  a 
touchstone  to  which  all  his  thoughts  and  all  his 
actions  may  be  subjected.  If  he  has  these  qualities 
deeply  imbedded  in  his  heart,  if  he  possesses  them 
as  a  vital  part  of  his  very  being,  then  he  may  err 
for  a  time  and  wander  far  afield,  but  drawn  back 
inevitably  will  he  be  by  an  irresistible  impulse,  by 
a  centripetal  force,  back  to  safe  spiritual  anchorage. 
Controlled  by  these  great  spiritual  influences,  the 
private  life  of  the  individual  will  be  safeguarded 
and  his  civic  conduct  assured.  The  welfare  of  the 
child  and  the  welfare  of  society,  therefore,  equally 
demand  the  cultivation  of  these  moral  and  spiritual 
virtues. 

But  these  physical,  intellectual  and  moral  quali- 
ties are  not  acquired  overnight.  They  do  not  come 
in  a  morning  dream.  They  do  not  fall  into  one's 
idle  lap  like  windfalls  from  the  clouds.  They  are 
the  result  of  exercise  continuously  and  persistently 
repeated  and  finally  becoming  automatic,  habitual 
and  reflexive.  There  needs  to  be  incessant  training 
in  health  culture,  in  right  thinking  and  in  moral 


12  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

purpose  at  every  step  in  the  child's  career,  from 
early  childhood  through  adolescence  into  youth. 
Complete  and  symmetrical  education,  which  is  the 
birthright  of  every  American,  requires  a  long  pro- 
bationary period.  It  imperatively  demands  that 
all  boys  and  girls  remain  in  school  and  under  the 
influence  of  highly  competent  instructors  until  they 
are  at  least  sixteen  years  of  age,  with  a  part-time 
attendance  upon  some  sort  of  extension  or  continua- 
tion school  for  at  least  two  years  thereafter.  Thus 
there  would  be  maintained  an  impersonal  and  a 
legally  sanctioned  stewardship  over  children  and 
youths  to  protect,  defend  and  direct  them  during  the 
impressionable  years  of  their  minority,  wherever 
they  may  be  found,  whether  at  work  or  at  play, 
whether  within  or  without  the  schoolroom. 

Denial  of  this  privilege  is  to  defraud  children  and 
youths  of  their  indisputable  educational  heritage. 
It  is  to  deprive  democracy  of  the  fulfillment  of  its 
destiny. 

Diversified  Education. 

"And  also  point  out  the  evil  tendency  of  the 
opposite  vices,"  urges  the  statute  on  moral  instruc- 
tion. It  is  insufficient  that  good  habits  be  incul- 
cated; vicious  habits  must  be  inhibited.  Gladstone 
in  the  beautiful  essay  which  he  wrote  on  his  dear 
friend,  Henry  Hallam,  the  subject  of  Tennyson's 
'Tn  Memoriam,"  gives  expression  to  an  idea  which 
hitches    in    one's    mind.     Gladstone    among    other 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  13 

things  says  that  the  progress  of  the  nineteenth 
century  is  described  by  two  simple  words,  ''Unhand 
me." 

These  two  words,  "unhand  me,"  tell  the  whole 
story  about  education.  Education  —  ''unhand  me" 
—  means  the  removal,  so  far  as  possible,  of  all 
obstacles,  restraints,  impediments,  whether  they  be 
physical,  intellectual  or  spiritual,  in  order  that  free, 
untrammeled,  all  handicaps  removed,  I  m^ay  work 
out  my  complete  destiny — temporal  and  eternal; 
that  as  an  individual  I  may  enjoy  the  blessings  of 
life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  and  that, 
moreover,  as  a  citizen  I  may  become  socially  com- 
petent —  a  self-respecting,  self-supporting  coworker 
with  my  fellows  in  the  life  of  community  and  Com- 
monwealth. 

Nature  is  not  lavish  in  the  distribution  of  her 
gifts.  Nature  revels  in  variability  and  diversity. 
One  person  has  beauty  of  form,  another  brilliancy 
of  intellect,  a  third  magnanimity  of  soul.  Rarely 
are  all  these  gifts  the  possession  of  any  single  indi- 
vidual. Nature  is  inhospitable  of  the  superman; 
she  is  prodigal  of  the  average  of  the  species.  "God 
must  love  the  common  people,"  sagely  remarked 
the  incomparable  Lincoln,  "He  creates  so  many 
of  them." 

There  are  radical  differences  in  the  qualities 
that  go  to  make  up  the  normal  child.  Humanely 
and  sanely  these  differences  and  peculiarities   are 


14  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

becoming  recognized  in  the  life  of  the  School.  In 
place  of  rigid  and  uniform  courses  of  study,  curricula 
are  being  modified  and  reconstructed  to  satisfy  the 
varying  aptitudes  and  capacities  of  boys  and  girls, 
of  groups  of  children,  all  equally  deserving,  all 
endowed  with  equality  of  rights  and  entitled  to 
equality  of  opportunity. 

Education  Defined. 
Any  discussion  of  plans  and  purposes  is  incomplete 
which  fails  to  emphasize  the  two-fold  objective  of 
education.     Popular  education  subserves  a  two-fold 
purpose:    It  should  enable  every  boy  and  every 
girl  —  yes,  every  man  and  every  woman  —  to  rise 
to  the  very  heights  of  his  capabilities  and  endow- 
ments; and  then,  to  become  a  citizen  of  power  in 
the  service  of  the  Commonwealth.     There  must  be 
provided  in  a  democracy  freely  and  fully  equality 
of  opportunity  for  personal  improvement  and  success. 
But  that  is  only  one  side  of  the  shield.     Running 
through  all  systems  of  education  —  like  the  ichor 
that  coursed  through  the  veins  of  the  gods  —  must 
be  the  throbbing  impulse  of  service.     Equal  oppor- 
tunity must  be  afforded  every  boy  and  every  girl  to 
develop  to  the  very  utmost  all  his  capacities  and 
endowments;  but  when  this  is  realized,  when  these 
heights  are  attained,  then  he  or  she  in  all  humility 
and  gratitude  should  dedicate  all  achievements  and 
successes  not  to  self-glorification  or  self-aggrandize- 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  15 

ment,  but  rather  to  the  service  of  fellow-men  and 
the  welfare  of  country.  There  should  come  into 
the  lives  of  our  future  American  citizens  the  exalted 
spirit  of  the  craftsmen  of  the  Middle  Ages  whose 
souls  were  in  their  tasks.  And  whatever  they  con- 
structed —  whether  it  were  a  simple  product  of 
metal  from  the  locksmith,  or  the  cathedral  of  many 
architects  with  its  myriads  of  spires  —  everything 
they  did  was  for  the  service  of  their  fellow-men, 
and  for  the  glory  of  God. 

Universal  Education. 

All  this  implies  that  nation,  state,  city,  town,  all 
must  unite  in  furnishing  unlimited  educational, 
recreational,  and  vocational  facilities  for  our  children 
and  our  youths.  There  must  be  provided  generously 
normal  schools  and  colleges;  junior  colleges;  state 
universities;  part-time  schools;  continuation  schools; 
industrial,  pre  vocational  and  vocational  schools; 
agricultural  schools;  textile  schools;  evening  schools; 
Americanization  classes;  extension  and  collegiate 
courses,  to  meet  the  recurrent  personal  needs  of 
innumerable  groups  of  young  people.  We  must 
popularize  the  school.  We  must  make  it  attractive. 
We  must  place  it  directly  in  the  pathways  of  our 
boys  and  girls  as  so  many  ladders  whereby  they  may 
climb  upward  and  onward. 

An  ambitious  and  expensive  program,  I  hear  you 
protest.     My  reply  is  this :   Democracy  is  expensive. 


16  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

It  has  been  secured  through  infinite  toil  and  sacrifice. 
It  has  cost  the  world  its  best  blood  and  treasure. 
Our  greatest  national  assets  are  first,  education,  free, 
universal  education;  and,  second,  its  resultant,  the 
highest  possible  degree  of  personal,  civic  and  national 
intelligence  and  righteousness. 

On  the  other  hand,  democracy's  greatest  national 
liability  is  ignorance.  Parsimony  in  education  means 
bankruptcy.  In  education  we  must  spend  freely 
that  we  may  save.  Education  is  more  than  insur- 
ance. It  is  our  assurance  against  tomorrow's  ills. 
Intelligent  citizenship  is  the  future's  hope.  Let  us 
not  forget.  And  let  us  be  unyielding  and  insistent 
about  the  supereminence  of  education  in  a  democracy. 

Contemplate  for  one  moment  the  cost  of  the 
world's  great  war.  We  are  told  that  in  round 
numbers  the  war  cost  the  nations  three  hundred 
billion  dollars.  Take  aU  the  wealth  of  these  United 
States,  realty  and  personalty  of  every  conceivable 
kind,  and  roU  it  all  up  into  one  great  mass  and  you 
will  find  it  estimated  at  about  three  hundred  billion 
doUars.  Without  mentioning  the  ineffable  loss  of 
human  lives,  horresco  referens,  the  expense  of  the 
great  war  was  commensurate  with  the  property  value 
of  our  entire  country.  And  never  forget  this:  The 
war  was  caused  by  the  materialistic  philosophy  and 
the  false  education  of  the  leaders  of  the  German  people. 

And  realize,  further,  that  all  property,  whether 
personal  or  real,  is  worthless  unless  the  people's  will 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  17 

has  been  properly  trained  to  respect  and  safeguard 
it  in  days  of  stress  and  storm. 

Years  ago  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  while 
championing  the  cause  of  Greece,  and  pleading  for 
her  independence,  Henry  Clay  quoting  from  the 
eternal  law  exclaimed,  '''What  shall  it  profit  a  man 
if  he  gain  the  whole  world  and  suffer  the  loss  of  his 
own  soul?'  Or  what  shall  it  avail  a  nation  to  save 
the  whole  of  a  miserable  trade  and  lose  its  liberties?" 
We  must  save  our  soul  at  any  cost.  The  soul  of 
this  nation  is  ideal  education.  Let  us  guard  it  as 
something  sacred.  Material  things  must  pass  away 
—  the  soul  is  for  immortality.  Our  heritage  is 
sublime ! 

Liberty  Under  Law. 

"To  make  a  government,"  says  Edmund  Burke 
in  his  treatise  on  the  French  Revolution,  "requires 
no  great  prudence.  Settle  the  seat  of  power;  teach 
obedience;  and  the  work  is  done.  To  give  freedom 
is  still  more  easy.  It  is  not  necessary  to  guide;  it 
only  requires  to  let  go  the  rein. 

"But  to  form  a  free  government,  that  is  to  tem- 
per together  those  opposite  elements  of  liberty  and 
restraint  in  one  consistent  work,  requires  much 
thought;  deep  reflection;  a  sagacious,  powerful  and 
combining  mind." 

Having  secured  their  independence,  the  patriot 
fathers  of  the  Revolution  were  confronted  with  the 


18  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

momentous  task  of  organizing  a  form  of  government 
that  should  ^Hemper  together  those  opposite  ele- 
ments of  liberty  and  restraint."  And  with  providen- 
tial foresight  they  formed  and  ratified  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  which  has  been  truthfully 
characterized  as  'Hhe  most  remarkable  document 
ever  struck  off  at  one  time  by  the  ingenuity  of 
man." 

And  in  the  preamble  to  that  document  these 
nation-builders  among  other  things  announced  that 
'Ho  insure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  we  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States."  The  forefathers  were 
not  only  patriots  and  statesmen;  they  also  had  the 
gift  of  prophecy.  They  foresaw  the  necessity  of 
safeguarding  liberty.  And  the  wisdom  of  the  fore- 
fathers was  very  soon  revealed.  Only  a  few  years 
after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  the  French 
Revolution  broke  forth.  Temples  were  destroyed, 
shrines  desecrated,  holy  places  profaned,  all  in  the 
name  of  liberty.  In  the  name  of  liberty,  the  streets 
of  Paris  were  crimsoned  with  the  purest  blood  in 
Europe.  The  revolutionists  took  the  best  of  the 
Bourbon  kings  and  led  him  out  to  execution.  They 
took  Marie  Antoinette,  the  friend  of  America,  the 
friend  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  tore  her  from  the 
embraces  of  her  family  and  gave  her  to  the  guillo- 
tine. And  then,  acme  of  effrontery  and  sacrilege, 
they  took  a  woman  of  the  street  and,  before  the 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  19 

sacred  altar  of  Notre  Dame,  they  crowned  her  as  the 
goddess  of  reason  and  of  liberty.  And  across  the 
century  comes  the  cry  of  Madame  Roland  from  the 
scaffold,  ''Oh,  Liberty,  what  crimes  are  committed 
in  thy  name!" 

Liberty  is  not  an  armed  warrior,  liberty  is  a  god- 
dess. Liberty  is  cloistered.  Liberty  is  delicate,  sen- 
sitive, refined.  The  forefathers,  therefore,  deter- 
mined to  shield  liberty  and  to  provide  her  with  a 
champion.  And  so  they  placed  liberty  under  the 
protection  of  law  and,  thus,  liberty  under  law  has 
become  an  organizing  principle  of  our  American 
government. 

But  how  solicitous  were  the  forefathers!  They 
knew  that  law  might  be  remiss,  that  law  might 
become  neglectful  of  its  trust. 

Accordingly  they  created  three  agencies  to  guaran- 
tee the  proper  defence  of  liberty  by  law. 

a.  Legislative. —  To  give  law  its  credentials.  If 
law  becomes  unfaithful  then  a  better  servant  must 
be  substituted  in  its  place. 

b.  Executive. —  To  give  law  its  mandate:  To 
compel  law  to  be  more  dutiful  or  to  rebuke  it  for  non- 
performance of  its  duties. 

c.  Judicial. —  To  review  law's  qualifications  and, 
if  necessary,  to  revoke  them. 

These  three  distinct  constitutional  agencies,  legis- 
lative, executive  and  judicial,  are  estabhshed  by  the 
people;    they  reflect  the  will  of  the  people.     The 


20  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

will  of  the  people,  therefore,  is  the  supreme  law. 
But  all  just  laws  are  from  a  source  higher  than  man; 
they  are  derived  from  God.  Hence  our  purpose 
should  be  to  justify  the  expression,  ''The  voice  of  the 
people  is  the  voice  of  God." 

These  three  instruments  were  fashioned  by  the 
fathers  for  making,  correcting,  amending  or  changing 
laws.  But,  so  long  as  law  remains  the  reflection  of 
the  people's  will,  to  that  extent  it  must  be  obeyed 
implicitly,  and  in  that  event  obedience  to  law  is  liberty. 
And  whoever  raises  his  hands  against  laws  properly 
and  justly  made  and  against  authority  duly  consti- 
tuted, such  a  one  defies  the  will  of  the  people  and  the 
will  of  God.  He  is,  therefore,  a  traitor  to  himself, 
to  his  fellowman,  to  his  country,  and  to  the  Sovereign 
Lawmaker  of  the  universe. 

To  train  the  will  of  the  people,  therefore,  is  the 
most  serious  business  in  a  democracy.  To  educate 
the  individual  will,  to  indicate  its  relation  to  the 
collective  will,  and  to  bring  all  into  harmony  with  the 
Eternal  Will,  this  is  a  task  well-nigh  divine.  To 
train  then  is  to  govern.  The  teacher  is  the  true 
leader.  The  teacher  is  the  real  law  maker.  The 
educator  is  the  molder  and  the  conservator  of  demo- 
cratic society. 

Thus  all  the  forces  of  the  school  must  be  directed 
toward  the  proper  development  of  the  will,  to  the 
end  that  pupils  may  comprehend  the  significance  of 
law,  may  acquire  respect  for  law  and  obedience  to 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  21 

law;  and,  furthermore,  that  they  may  ever  regard 
justly  constituted  law  as  the  blazing  sword  that 
defends  the  palladium  of  liberty. 

Loyalty  to  the  Past. 

Permit  me  in  closing  to  express  again  my  convic- 
tion that  we  must  not  break  with  the  past.  Upon 
this,  the  natal  day  of  the  republic,  the  birthday  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  we  reaffirm  our 
indebtedness  to  Adams  and  Hancock  and  Franklin 
and  Paine  and  to  all  that  matchless  Spartan  band  who 
on  July  4,  1776,  gave  to  us  our  Charter  of  Human 
Liberties.  Likewise,  we  acknowledge  our  gratitude 
and  our  obligation  to  every  patriot  —  every  noble 
soul  —  who  at  any  time,  anywhere,  raised  his  voice 
or  struck  a  blow  in  defence  gf  American  liberty  or 
American  institutions.  Thus  may  we  all  become 
teachers  and  educators,  training  the  will  of  the 
people,  clarifying  and  dignifying  public  opinion, 
inculcating  by  example  and  by  precept  the  highest 
ideals  of  American  citizenship. 

It  is  said  that  for  three  hundred  years  after 
Thermopylae  the  children  in  the  schools  of  Greece 
were  taught  to  recite  from  memory,  ''by  heart," 
the  names  of  the  immortal  three  hundred  who  fell 
in  defence  of  the  Pass.  For  nearly  a  hundred  fifty 
years  our  children  have  been  narrating  in  the  schools 
the  heroic  deeds  of  our  Revolutionary  sires.  For 
more  than  sixty  years  they  have  been  singing  the 


22  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

praises  of  the  devoted,  valiant  boys  of  '61.  In  later 
years  they  have  been  recounting  the  exploits  of 
those  who  served  so  faithfully  in  foreign  wars. 
Now  they  will  add  to  these  recitals  the  splendid 
achievements  of  our  soldier  boys  in  khaki  and  our 
sailor  boys  in  blue. 

With  hearts  exultant  with  pride  in  years  to  come 
they  will  tell  how  cheerfully  and  eagerly  these 
noble  fellows  went  forth,  how  bravely  they  fought, 
how  mightily  they  triumphed,  how  they  too  kept 
the  Pass,  how  in  the  world's  most  critical  hour 
they  defended  humanity  and  rescued  civilization,' 
and  finally,  how  peacefully  many  are  sleeping  upon 
the  hillsides  of  Flanders.  In  legend  and  story  these 
crusaders  of  ours,  also,  will  be  numbered  among 
the  immortals.  A  greater  honor  still  —  they  will 
be  beloved  of  little  children.  And  upon  the  altars 
of  the  classroom  the  fires  consecrated  to  their  memory 
shall  be  kept  blazing  in  perpetual  vigil,  fires  fed  by 
innocent  hands;  and  these  same  hands  shall  grasp 
the  torch  and  pass  it  onward  to  successive  generations 
of  free-born  American  children,  that  the  fires  of 
civil  and  religious  liberty  may  continue  to  burn  in 
undimmed  brilliancy,  that  an  educated  American 
dempcracy  may  continue  to  be  the  beacon  light  of 
the  world,  and  that  a  government  of  the  people, 
for  the  people,  and  by  the  people  shall  endure. 
What  a  splendid  idealism!     What  a  glorious  heri- 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  23 

tage!  May  we  catch  its  full  significance  lest  the 
gleams  may  vanish,  make  it  a  benediction  unto 
ourselves,  and  an  inspiration  unto  all  those  whose 
lives  are  in  the  molding. 

"Lord  of  the  Universe!  shield  us  and  guide  us, 
Trusting  Thee  always,  through  shadow  and  sun! 
Thou  hast  united  us,  who  shall  divide  us? 
Keep  us,  oh  keep  us  the  Many  in  One! 
Up  with  our  banner  bright. 
Sprinkled  with  starry  light, 
Spread  its  fair  emblems  from  mountain  to  shore, 
While  through  the  sounding  sky 
Loud  rings  the  Nation's  cry, — 
Union    and    Liberty!  One    Evermore!" 


A.    LIST 

OF 

BOSTON    MUNICIPAL    ORATORS. 


By  C.  W.  ERNST. 


BOSTON    ORATORS 
Appointed  by  the  Municipal  Authorities. 


For  the  Anniversary  of  the  Boston  Massacre,  March  6,  1770. 

Note. —  The  Fifth  of  March  orations  were  published  in  handsome  quarto  editions, 
now  very  scarce;  also  collected  in  book  form  in  1785  and  again  in  1807.  The  oration 
of  1776  was  delivered  in  Watertown. 

1771.  —  LovELL,  James. 

1772.  —  Waeren,  Joseph.^ 

1773.  —  Church,  Benjamin.'' 

1774.  —  Hancock,  John.*^ 

1775.  —  Warren,  Joseph. 

1776.  —  Thacher,  Peter. 

1777.  —  HicHBORN,  Benjamin. 

1778.  —  Austin,  Jonathan  Williams. 

1779.  —  Tudor,  William. 

1780.  —  Mason,  Jonathan,  Jun. 

1781.  —  Dawes,  Thomas,  Jun. 

1782.  —  MiNOT,  George  Richards. 

1783.  —  Welsh,  Thomas. 


For  the  Anniversary  oj  National  Independence,  July  4,  1776. 

Note. —  A  collected  edition,  or  a  full  collection,  of  these  orations  has  not  been  made. 
For  the  names  of  the  orators,  as  officially  printed  on  the  title  pages  of  the  orations,  see 
the  Municipal  Register  of  1890. 

1783.  —  Warren,  John.^ 

1784.  —  HiCHBORN,  Benjamin. 

1785.  —  Gardner,  John. 

a  Reprinted  in  Newport,  R.  I.,  1774,  8vo.,  19  pp. 

b  A  third  edition  was  published  in  1773. 

1  Reprinted  in  Warren's  Life.  The  orations  of  1783  to  1786  were  published  in  large 
quarto;  the  oration  of  1787  appeared  in  octavo;  the  oration  of  1788  was  printed  in  small 
quarto;  all  succeeding  orations  appeared  in  octavo,  with  the  exceptions  stated  under  1863 
and  1876. 

27 


28  APPENDIX. 

1786.  —  Austin,  Jonathan  Loring.       ' 

1787.  —  Dawes,  Thomas,  Jun. 

1788.  —  Otis,  Harrison  Gray. 

1789.  —  Stillman,  Samuel. 

1790.  —  Gray,  Edward. 

1791.  —  Crafts,  Thomas,  Jun. 

1792.  —  Blake,  Joseph,  Jun.^ 

1793.  —  Adams,  John  Quincy.* 

1794.  —  Phillips,  John. 

1795.  —  Blake,  George. 

1796.  —  Lathrop,  John,  Jun. 

1797.  —  Callender,  John. 

1798. QUINCY,    j0SIAH.2j  3 

1799.  —  Lowell,  John,  Jun,^ 

1800.  —  Hall,  Joseph. 

1801.  —  Paine,  Charles. 

1802.  —  Emerson,  Willla.m. 

1803.  —  Sullivan,  William. 

1804.  —  Danforth,  Thomas.'^ 

1805.  —  Button,  Warren. 

1806.  —  Channing,  Francis  Dana.* 

1807.  —  Thacher,  Peter.2,  s 

1808.  —  Ritchie,  Andrew,  Jun.* 

1809.  —  Tudor,  William,  Jun.* 

1810.  —  TowNSEND,  Alexander. 

1811.  —  Savage,  James.* 

1812.  —  Pollard,  Benjamin.* 

1813.  —  LiVERMORE,  Edward  St.  Loe. 

'  Passed  to  a  second  edition. 

»  Delivered  another  oration  in  1826.       Quincy's  oration  of  1798  was  reprinted,  also, 
in  Philadelpliia. 

*  Not  printed. 

•  On  February  26, 1811,  Peter  Thacher's  name  was  changed  to  Peter  Oxenbridge  Thacher, 
(List  of  Persons  whose  Names  have  been  Changed  in  Massachusetts,  1780-1892,  p.  21.) 


APPENDIX.  29 

1814.  —  Whitwbll,  Benjamin. 

1815.  —  Shaw,  Lemuel. 

1816.  —  Sullivan,  George.^ 

1817.  —  Channing,  Edward  Tyrrel. 

1818.  —  Gray,  Francis  Galley. 

1819.  —  Dexter,  Franklin. 

1820.  —  Lyman,  Theodore,  Jun. 

1821.  —  LoRiNG,  Charles  Greely.^ 

1822.  —  Gray,  John  Chipman. 

1823.  —  Curtis,  Charles  Pelham.' 

1824.  —  Bassett,  Francis. 

1825.  —  Sprague,  Charles.® 

1826.  —  Quincy,  Josiah.'' 

1827.  —  Mason,  William  Powell. 

1828.  —  Sumner,  Bradford. 

1829.  —  Austin,  James  Trecothick. 

1830.  —  Everett,  Alexander  Hill. 

1831.  —  Palfrey,  John  Gorham. 

1832.  —  Quincy,  Josiah,  Jun. 

1833.  —  Prescott,  Edward  Goldsborough. 

1834.  —  Fay,  Richard  Sullivan. 

1835.  —  Hillard,  George  Stillman. 

1836.  —  Kinsman,  Henry  Willis. 

1837.  —  Chapman,  Jonathan. 

1838.  —  WiNSLow,  Hubbard.     "The  Means  of  the  Per- 

petuity and  Prosperity  of  our  Repubhc." 

1839.  —  Austin,  Ivers  James. 

1840.  —  Power,  Thomas. 

1841.  —  Curtis,  George  Ticknor.*    "The  True  Uses 

of  American  Revolutionary  History." 
1842. —  Mann,  Horace.^ 

»  Six  editions  up  to  1831.    Reprinted  also  in  his  Life  and  Letters. 
'  Reprinted  in  his  Municipal  History  of  Boston.     See  1798. 
'Delivered  another  oration  in  1862. 
•There  are  five  or  more  editions;  only  one  by  the  City. 


30  APPENDIX. 

1843.  • —  Adams,  Charles  Francis. 

1844.  —  Chandler,  Peleg  Whitman.    "The  Morals  of 

Freedom." 

1845.  —  Sumner,  Charles.^"    "The  True  Grandeur  of 

Nations." 

1846.  —  Webster,  Fletcher. 

1847.  —  Cary,  Thomas  Greaves. 

1848.  —  Giles,  Joel.    "Practical  Liberty." 

1849.  —  Greenough,  William  Whitwell.    "The  Con- 

quering Republic." 
1850. — Whipple,  Edwin  Percy."     "Washington  and 
the  Principles  of  the  Revolution." 

1851.  —  Russell,  Charles  Theodore. 

1852.  —  King,   Thomas    Starr.      "The    Organization 

of  Liberty  on  the  Western  Continent. "^^ 

1853.  —  BiGELow,  Timothy.^^ 

1854. — 'Stone,  Andrew  Leete.^     "The  Struggles  of 
American  History." 

1855.  —  Miner,  Alonzo  Ames. 

1856.  —  Parker,  Edward  Griffin.     "The  Lesson  of 

76  to  the  Men  of  '56." 

1857.  —  Alger,  William  Rounseville.^*   "  The  Genius 

and  Posture  of  America." 

1858.  —  Holmes,  John  Somers.^ 

1859.  —  Sumner,  George.^j  ^ 

1860.  —  Everett,  Edward. 

1861.  —  Parsons,  Theophilus. 

1862.  —  Curtis,  Thomas  Ticknor.* 

1863.  —  Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell.^^ 

10  Passed  through  three  editions  in  Boston  and  one  in  London,  and  was  answered  in  a 
pamphlet,  Remarks  upon  an  Oration  delivered  by  Charles  Sumner  ....  July  4th, 
1845.  By  a  Citizen  of  Boston.  See  Memoir  and  Letters  of  Charles  Sumner,  by  Edward 
L.  Pierce,  vol.  ii.    337-384. 

11  There  is  a  second  edition.    (Boston:  Ticknor,  Reed  &  Fields.     1850.     49  pp.  12°.) 
n  First  published  by  the  City  in  1892. 

I'  This  and  a  number  of  the  succeeding  orations,  up  to  1861,  contain  the  speeches,  toasts, 
etc.,  of  the  City  dinner  usually  given  in  Faneuil  Hall  on  the  Fourth  of  July. 


APPENDIX. 


31 


1864.  — •  Russell,  Thomas. 

1865.  —  Manning,    Jacob    Merrill.      "Peace   under 

Liberty."^ 

1866.  —  LoTHROP,  Samuel  Kirkland. 

1867.  —  Hepworth,  George  Hughes. 

1868. —  Eliot,  Samuel.     "The  Functions  of  a  City." 

1869.  —  Morton,  Ellis  Wesley. 

1870.  —  Everett,  William. 

1871.  —  Sargent,  Horace  Binney. 

1872.  —  Adams,  Charles  Francis,  Jun. 

1873.  —  Ware,  John  Fothergill  Waterhouse. 

1874.  —  Frothingham,  Richard. 

1875.  — •  Clarke,  James  Freeman.    "Worth  of  Repub- 

Kcan  Institutions." 
1876  —  Winthrop,  Robert  Charles." 

1877.  —  Warren,  William  Wirt. 

1878.  —  Healy,  Joseph. 

1879.  —  Lodge,  Henry  Cabot. 

1880.  —  Smith,  Robert  Dickson.^^ 

1881.  —  Warren,   George  Washington.     "Our  Re- 

pubHc  —  Liberty    and    Equality    Founded 
on  Law. " 

1882.  —  Long,  John  Davis. 

1883.  —  Carpenter,    Henry    Bernard.      "American 

Character  and  Influence. " 

1884.  —  Shepard,  Harvey  Newton. 

1885.  —  Gargan,  Thomas  John. 

"  Probably  four  editions  were  printed  in  1857.  (Boston:  Office  Boston  Daily  Bee 
60  pp.)  Not  until  November  22,  1864,  was  Mr.  Alger  asked  by  the  City  to  furnish  a 
copy  for  publication.  He  granted  the  request,  and  the  first  official  edition  (J.  E.  Far- 
well  &  Co.,  1864,  53  pp.)  was  then  issued.  It  lacks  the  interesting  preface  and  appendix 
of  the  early  editions. 

"  There  is  another  edition.  (Boston:  Ticknor  &  Fields,  1859,  69  pp.)  A  third  (Boston: 
Rockwell  &  Churchill,  1882,  46  pp.)  omits  the  dinner  at  Faneuil  Hall,  the  correspondence 
and  events  of  the  celebration. 

i»  There  is  a  preliminary  edition  of  twelve  copies.      (J.  E.  Farwell  &   Co.,  1863.     (7), 


resulted  in  the  large-paper  75-page  edition,  printed  from  the  same  type  as  the  71-pag& 
edition,  but  modified  by  the  author.  It  is  printed  "by  order  of  the  Common  Council.?' 
The  regular  edition  is  in  60  pp.,  octavo  size. 


32  APPENDIX. 

1886.  —  Williams,  George  Frederick'. 

1887.  —  Fitzgerald,  John  Edward. 

1888.  —  Dillaway,  William  Edward  Lovell. 

1889.  — Swift,  John  Lindsay.i^     "The  American  Citi- 

zen." 

1890.  —  Pillsbury,  Albert  Enoch.     "Public  Spirit." 

1891.  — QuiNCY,  JosiAH.20    "The  Coming  Peace." 

1892.  —  Murphy,  John  Robert. 

1893. — Putnam,  Henry  Ware.  "The  Mission  of 
Our  People." 

1894.  —  O'Neil,  Joseph  Henry. 

1895.  —  Berle,   Adolph  Augustus.     "The  Constitu- 

tion and  the  Citizens." 

1896.  —  Fitzgerald,  John  Francis. 

1897. — Hale,  Edward  Everett.  "The  Contribu- 
tion of  Boston  to  American  Independence." 

1898.  —  O'Callaghan,  Rev.  Denis. 

1899.  —Matthews,  Nathan,  Jr.     "Be  Not  Afraid  of 

Greatness." 

1900.  —  O'Meara,  Stephen.     "Progress  Through  Con- 

flict." 

1901.  —  Guild,  Curtis,  Jr.     "Supremacy  and  its  Con- 

ditions." 

1902.  —  CoNRY,  Joseph  A. 

1903. —Mead,  Edwin  D.  "The  Principles  of  the 
Founders." 

1904.  —  Sullivan,  John  A.  "Boston's  Past  and  Pres- 
ent.   What  Will  Its  Future  Be?  " 

"  There  is  a  large  paper  edition  of  fifty  copies  printed  from  this  type,  and  also  an  edition 
from  the  press  of  John  Wilson  &  Son,  1876.    55  pp.  8°. 

w  On  Samuel  Adams,  a  statue  of  whom,  by  Miss  Anne  Whitney,  had  just  been  completed 
for  the  City.    A  photograph  of  the  statue  is  added. 

i»  Contains  a  bibliography  of  Boston  Fourth  of  July  orations,  from  1783  to  1889,  inclusive, 
compiled  by  Lindsay  Swift,  of  the  Boston  Public  Library. 

*)  Reprinted  by  the  American  Peace  Society. 


APPENDIX.  33 

1905.  —  Colt,    Le    Babon    Bradford.       "America's 

Solution  of  the  Problem  of  Govermnent." 

1906.  —  CoAKLEY,  Timothy  Wilfred.     "The  American 

Race:  Its  Origin,  the  Fusion  of  Peoples;  Its 

Aim,  Fraternity." 
1907. — Horton,  Rev.  Edward  A.     "Patriotism  and 

the  Republic." 
1908.  — Hill,  Arthur  Dehon.     "The  Revolution  and 

a  Problem  of  the  Present." 
1909. — Spring,  Arthur  Langdon.     "The  Growth  of 

Patriotism." 
1910.  —  Wolff,  James  Harris.     "The  Building  of  the 

Republic." 
1911. — Eliot,   Charles  W.     "The  Independence  of 

1776  and  the  Dependence  of  1911." 

1912.  —  Pelletier,  Joseph  C.     "  Respect  for  the  Law." 

1913.  —  MacFarland,  Grenville  S.     "A  New  Decla- 

ration of  Independence." 

1914.  — Supple,  Rev.  James  A.     "Religion:  The  Hope 

of  the  Nation." 
1915. — ^Brandeis,  Louis  D.     "True  Americanism." 

1916.  — Chapple,  Joe  Mitchell.     "The  New  Ameri- 

canism." 

1917.  —  Gallagher,  Daniel  J.     "Americans  Welded 

by  War." 

1918.  —  Faunce,  Willl^m  H.  P.     "The  New  Meaning 

of  Independence  Day." 

1919.  —  DeCourcy,    Charles    A.     "Real    and    Ideal 

American  Democracy." 

1920.  —  Wiseman,  Jacob  L.     "America  and  its  Vital 

Problem." 

1921.  —  MuRLiN,  Dr.  L.  H.     "Our  Great  American." 

1922.  —  Burke,   Dr.   Jeremiah  E.     "Democracy  and 

Education." 


Date  Due 

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